GOP set to assail healthcare law and seek alternatives
Civility gets its first test in the House since the Tucson shootings in a
debate over repeal of Obama's healthcare overhaul.
By Noam N. Levey and James Oliphant, Washington Bureau
January 18, 2011
Reporting from Washington
Preparing to reengage with President Obama, House Republicans have set
themselves a more ambitious goal than simply wiping out the sweeping healthcare
overhaul signed into law last March.
When they take up the
much-anticipated repeal resolution Tuesday and Wednesday, GOP lawmakers also
will begin crafting an alternative with the goal of reducing insurance premiums,
expanding coverage, preserving Medicare and holding down taxes.
And while
they will be mindful of the call for changing the tone of debate after the
attempted assassination of Rep. Gabrielle Giffords, they also are preparing for
their overriding task of the next 22 months: dislodging Obama from the White
House.
He is now more formidable than he was immediately after the
Republican electoral victory in November, thanks to a productive lame-duck
congressional session and his actions after the Tucson shootings. More than 3 in
4 Americans approved of Obama's response, according to an ABC- Washington Post
survey released Monday, his highest rating on a single issue during his
presidency.
Incumbents can't be unseated with praise. "If you favor
civility, then you favor the status quo," said John Geer, a Vanderbilt
University political scientist. "When you want change, first you have to say
what's wrong. You have to go on the attack."
That was demonstrated last
year when "tea party" anger — much of it directed at the Democratic healthcare
overhaul — helped tip the House into Republican hands. GOP leaders vowed to
"repeal and replace" the law. They do not have the votes in the Senate to do
that, but they are determined to use a House vote to redeem their campaign
promise, and to create an alternative proposal that will enable them to keep
healthcare alive as an issue into 2012.
"It's more than just repeal,"
said Rep. Fred Upton (R-Mich.), the new chairman of the House Energy and
Commerce Committee. "We recognize that there are reforms that are needed. We're
not going to just sit on our hands and do nothing."
The GOP will face a
challenge as daunting as Obama did: reconciling the difficult — and politically
sensitive — trade-offs that come with trying to provide more and better
healthcare while also controlling costs. That balancing act is one of the
reasons Obama's healthcare law is so complicated. And it explains in large part
why GOP leaders never produced a comprehensive alternative during the debate
over the Democratic legislation or the 2010 congressional elections.
The
GOP also faces a stark comparison. Previous Republican efforts at healthcare
reform were projected to leave 52 million Americans uninsured in 2019. By
contrast, the Obama law is expected to reduce the number of uninsured to 23
million.
The Republican plan, unlike the Obama overhaul, did not include
an unpopular mandate requiring Americans to buy health insurance. But Republican
lawmakers have not indicated how they plan to expand coverage, a task that even
conservative healthcare experts say could be a major challenge for the
party.
"In a time where we don't have excess funds, looking to solve the
problem of the uninsured may not be an easy sell," said Nina Owcharenko,
director of the Center for Health Policy Studies at the Heritage
Foundation.
So far, senior Republicans are remaining tight-lipped about
how or when they will deliver their vision of something better.
"Knocking
down the building is a lot easier than building something to replace it," said
Dean Rosen, a Republican healthcare lobbyist and onetime aide to former Senate
Majority Leader Bill Frist. "It takes a long time. c Republicans understand
this."
The GOP effort begins this week with a short resolution directing
four House committees to develop legislation meeting 12 criteria, among them:
lowering premium costs, assuring access to coverage for people with preexisting
conditions and increasing the number of insured Americans, all without raising
taxes.
According to GOP officials, Republican lawmakers will draw heavily
on legislation they developed in the fall of 2009 as House Democrats were
putting the finishing touches on their proposed overhaul.
That plan,
which unified staples of GOP healthcare policy from years past, built on a
longtime conservative belief that reduced regulation is the best path to
controlling costs.
GOP leaders also showed that it was possible to slow
the rise in insurance premiums by allowing insurers to avoid mandates in some
states to cover services such as maternity care, cancer screenings and
mastectomies.
Although premiums still would have increased by 2016 under
the GOP plan, one analysis found, the increases for small businesses would have
been 7% to 10% less than without the plan.
That analysis was by the
nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.
For individuals who buy
insurance on their own, rates would have been 5% to 8% lower than without the
plan, the office estimated.
The savings showed the plan was "a
common-sense, step-by-step plan that will lower premiums," Rep. John A. Boehner
(R-Ohio), then the House minority leader, said at the time.
But that
accomplishment did not come without other costs.
Deregulating insurance
could make health insurance more expensive for sick Americans, even if it were
more affordable for healthy people, according to the budget office, which both
parties rely on to assess the effects of proposed legislation.
Budget
analysts also estimated that the quality of the coverage that many Americans had
could erode as insurers offered fewer benefits.
GOP leaders demonstrated
they could craft less costly health legislation that does not require new taxes
or cuts in Medicare spending. Their 2009 bill included just $61 billion in new
spending over 10 years, compared with more than $900 billion for the health law
Obama signed.
But Republicans offered little help for low- and
moderate-income Americans who are struggling to pay their premiums. Premium
subsidies are the single largest expense in the law that Obama
signed.
For now, House Republican leaders say, they need time to develop
their alternative.
"We want to do replacement in a legitimate process,"
said Rep. Peter T. King (R-N.Y), a leader of the repeal effort.
At the
same time, the congressional comity following the Tucson shootings appears to be
waning. A proposal by Sen. Mark Udall (D-Colo.) that members of Congress not
segregate themselves by party during Obama's upcoming State of the Union address
is getting only lukewarm support.
Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) wasn't excited
by the thought of sitting with Democrats during the president's
address.
"I get a little uneasy with the idea that political rhetoric has
anything to do with the tragedy in Tucson. It did not. There's not a shred of
evidence," he said Friday. "So what are we trying to fix here?"
Paul
West in the Washington bureau contributed to this report.
noam.levey@latimes.com
joliphant@latimes.com
Copyright © 2011, Los Angeles Times